9月5日托福考试详细机经-上海环球教育官网

9月5日托福考试详细机经

考试时间

2021年9月5日托福阅读回忆和解析

综合点评
本次考试阅读难度总体持平，主要围绕生物和社科类话题考的比较多，也有少量天文和人文艺术类文章。还是有不少阅读考题是重复2011年到2019年考过的题目，考生备考时多多留意机经文章。
Passage one	学科分类	题目
	自然科学	海洋深处的生物
内容回忆	在一开始科学家们认为如果想维持生命的话，则必须进行光合作用，否则的话是不会有生物的，因此在海洋的深处，因为光线远远到达不了这些位置，因此根本就没有相应的光合作用，相应的也不会有生物在深海的海底生活。但是一个海洋学家把一个盒子放到几千米的海底的深处，他采集上来的样本发现里面有几千种未知的生物，这就说明其实在海底深处虽然没有太阳光来帮助那个位置的生物进行光合作用，但是仍然是有生物在那里生存的。后来海洋学家们发现。这些海底的生物，一部分获得能量的方法是吃海平面上的生物所掉落下来的小的颗粒来获取营养的，比如说一些鱼死掉之后就会落到海底，而海底的生物就可以吃这些死鱼来获取相应的能量。后来科学家们派潜水艇到深海海底，发现深海海底在火山裂缝的位置，会有非常多的生物。然后科学家们就发现火山的裂缝因为会喷射出一些化学物质。化学物质一开始会被各种各样的微生物吃掉，然后微生物再被稍大一点的生物吃掉，然后再被少打一点的生物吃掉。就这样形成了一个非常大的生物群落。
参考阅读	Bioluminescence in Marine Creatures At night along the sea’s edge, the ocean sometimes seems to glow, as if lit from within. This glow is the result of bioluminescence, a phenomenon exhibited by many of the sea’s zooplankton. Bioluminescence is the production of cold light through internal biological processes, as opposed to phosphorescence or fluorescence, both of which are re-emitted light that was initially absorbed from an external source. Many of the sea’s creatures, including squid, dinoflagellates, bacteria, worms, crustaceans, and fish, are known to produce light. The process that marine creatures use to create light is like that of the common firefly and similar to that which creates the luminous green color seen in plastic glow sticks, often used as children’s toys or for illumination during nighttime events. When a glow stick in bent, two chemicals mix, react, and create a third substance that gives off light. Bioluminescent organisms do essentially the same thing; they have a substance, called luciferin, that reacts with oxygen in the presence of enzyme, luciferase. When the reaction is complete, a new molecule is formed that gives off light—glowing blue—green in the underwater world. This biologically driven chemical reaction occurs within the organism’s special light-producing cells, called photocyptes, or light-producing organs, called photophores. Probably one of the most complex light-producing systems is that of the squid. Some squid have both photophores and chromatophores (organs for changing color) with their skin, thus enabling them to control both the color and intensity of the light produced. Recent research has also revealed that in some squid and fish, bioluminescent light may be produced by bacteria that live in a mutually beneficial partnership inside the animal’s light organs. How and why bioluminescence occurs is not fully understood; however, in the undersea realm, it appears to be used in a variety of interesting and ingenious ways. The most commonly observed form of bioluminescence in the sea id the pinpoint sparking of light at night that can create cometlike trails behind moving objects. Almost always, this is the result of dinoflagellates reacting to water motion. The relatively short, momentary displays of light may have evolved to startle, distract, or frighten would-be predators. Collection nets brought up from the sea’s depths at night frequently glow green at great distance. Slowly fading green blobs or pulses of light can be seen coming from the organisms within, often from gelatinous creatures. This type of light display may be used to stun disorient, or lure prey. Like a wide-eyed deer caught on a road and dazed by headlights, undersea creatures living within the ocean’s darkness may be momentarily disoriented by short flashes of bioluminescent light. Another of the sea’s light-producing organisms is a small copepod (a type of crustacean) named Sapphirina iris. In the water, Sapphirina creates short flashes of a remarkably rich, azure blue light. But its appearance under a microscope is even more spectacular, the living copepod appears as if constructed of delicately handcrafted, multicolored pieces of stained glass. Within the deep sea, some fish also have a dangling bioluminescent lure or a patch of luminescent skin near the mouth, which may be used to entice unsuspecting prey. Other sea creatures have both light-sensing and light-producing organs. These creatures are thought to use bioluminescence as a form of communication or as a means of identifying an appropriate mate. In the lantern fish, the pattern of photophores distinguishes one species from another. In other fish, bioluminescence may help to differentiate males from females. The squid uses light as a means of camouflage. By producing light from the photophores on its underside, the squid can match light form above and become nearly invisible to predators looking up from below. Squid, as well as some of the gelatinous zooplankton, have also been known to release luminescent clouds or strands of organic material, possibly as a decoy to facilitate escape. And finally, because what they eat is often bioluminescent, many of the transparent deep-sea creatures have red or black stomachs to hide the potentially flashing contents of ingested bioluminescent creatures. Without such a blacked-out stomach, their digestive organs would flash like a neon sign that says, “Eat me, eat me!”
Passage two	学科分类	题目
	社会科学	婴儿认知
内容回忆	儿童对周围环境的认知，人们对于这件事情的认识，其实经历了好几个阶段。前认为儿童的认知是要到年龄很大之后才可以，但是现在认为孩子在生出来的前面十几个小时就已经开始对于周围的环境有认知了。而且在这些小孩还在一岁半以下的时候，他们对于重力就已经有感觉了。然后在4岁前后的时候，能够区分某些东西是死的，哪些东西是活的。在此之前人们认为孩子，要到7-8岁的时候，才能够不再以自我为中心。但是现在发现4岁的孩子就已经能够判断其他人的情绪了。然后在接下来讲的是有一些理论试着去解释孩子们的认知能力的发展，有的理论认为这些能力是与生俱来的。比如说孩子在5岁以前，就开始能够一点一点了解各种各样的语言。虽然在生活环境中，提供了各种各样孩子们早期语言的场景意图和内容，但复杂和抽象的语法规则似乎是没有学习的情况下就已经学会了。接下来语言学习还需要专门的相关范围的一些知识，比如说语言学的知识，视觉的感知，以及关于欲望的知识，所有的这些都好像有一些独特的原则。在研究这些孩子的思维的时候，好像发现人类的大脑有一些内在的结构和约束，可以缩小孩子们判断的范围。
参考阅读	题目6-Infantile Amnesia What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events—usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling’s birth. How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation—that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development—also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression—or holding back—of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either. Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants’and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll’s mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain’s level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions. A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children’s language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories. A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful. This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures. These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations—physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events—seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia.
Passage Three	学科分类	题目
	社会科学类	英国经济
内容回忆	英国经济鼎盛时期得益于几点：手工业蓬勃，运载通途（海上舰队护航、turnpikes便利，同时使得民间投入维修，收取过路费盈利，类似开发移交的方式）税收调节灵活，另外引入亚当斯密的看不见的手的理论。
参考阅读	Trade and Early State Formation Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade—often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency—was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states. British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization. Renfrew’s model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete. American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities. Rathje’s hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Passage Four	学科分类	题目
	社会科学类	irrigation
内容回忆	一种灌溉方式比地中海地区的好，养分可以累积，可以调节土地的盐度，可以养鸭子吃害虫但要监管好以免吃掉幼苗。
参考阅读	Depletion of the Ogallala Aquifer The vast grasslands of the High Plains in the central United States were settled by farmers and ranchers in the 1880s. This region has a semiarid climate, and for 50 years after its settlement, it supported a low-intensity agricultural economy of cattle ranching and wheat farming. In the early twentieth century, however, it was discovered that much of the High Plains was underlain by a huge aquifer (a rock layer containing large quantities of groundwater). This aquifer was named the Ogallala aquifer after the Ogallala Sioux Indians, who once inhabited the region. The Ogallala aquifer is a sandstone formation that underlies some 583,000 square kilometers of land extending from northwestern Texas to southern South Dakota. Water from rains and melting snows has been accumulating in the Ogallala for the past 30,000 years. Estimates indicate that the aquifer contains enough water to fill Lake Huron, but unfortunately, under the semiarid climatic conditions that presently exist in the region, rates of addition to the aquifer are minimal, amounting to about half a centimeter a year. The first wells were drilled into the Ogallala during the drought years of the early 1930s. The ensuing rapid expansion of irrigation agriculture, especially from the 1950s onward, transformed the economy of the region. More than 100,000 wells now tap the Ogallala. Modern irrigation devices, each capable of spraying 4.5 million liters of water a day, have produced a landscape dominated by geometric patterns of circular green islands of crops. Ogallala water has enabled the High Plains region to supply significant amounts of the cotton, sorghum, wheat, and corn grown in the United States. In addition, 40 percent of American grain-fed beef cattle are fattened here. This unprecedented development of a finite groundwater resource with an almost negligible natural recharge rate—that is, virtually no natural water source to replenish the water supply—has caused water tables in the region to fall drastically. In the 1930s, wells encountered plentiful water at a depth of about 15 meters; currently, they must be dug to depths of 45 to 60 meters or more. In places, the water table is declining at a rate of a meter a year, necessitating the periodic deepening of wells and the use of ever-more-powerful pumps. It is estimated that at current withdrawal rates, much of the aquifer will run dry within 40 years. The situation is most critical in Texas, where the climate is driest, the greatest amount of water is being pumped, and the aquifer contains the least water. It is projected that the remaining Ogallala water will, by the year 2030, support only 35 to 40 percent of the irrigated acreage in Texas that is supported in 1980. The reaction of farmers to the inevitable depletion of the Ogallala varies. Many have been attempting to conserve water by irrigating less frequently or by switching to crops that require less water. Others, however, have adopted the philosophy that it is best to use the water while it is still economically profitable to do so and to concentrate on high-value crops such as cotton. The incentive of the farmers who wish to conserve water is reduced by their knowledge that many of their neighbors are profiting by using great amounts of water, and in the process are drawing down the entire region’s water supplies. In the face of the upcoming water supply crisis, a number of grandiose schemes have been developed to transport vast quantities of water by canal or pipeline from the Mississippi, the Missouri, or the Arkansas rivers. Unfortunately, the cost of water obtained through any of these schemes would increase pumping costs at least tenfold, making the cost of irrigated agricultural products from the region uncompetitive on the national and international markets. Somewhat more promising have been recent experiments for releasing capillary water (water in the soil) above the water table by injecting compressed air into the ground. Even if this process proves successful, however, it would almost triple water costs. Genetic engineering also may provide a partial solution, as new strains of drought-resistant crops continue to be developed. Whatever the final answer to the water crisis may be, it is evident that within the High Plains, irrigation water will never again be the abundant, inexpensive resource it was during the agricultural boom years of the mid-twentieth century.
Passage Five	学科分类	题目
	历史类	cave art
内容回忆	有几种技术可以判定史前洞穴壁画。
参考阅读	Cave Art in Europe The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago. The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there. The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing. The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals. Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility..
Passage Six	学科分类	题目
	历史类	Clock
内容回忆	钟表的历史
参考阅读	The Invention of the Mechanical Clock In Europe, before the introduction of the mechanical clock, people told time by sun (using, for example, shadow sticks or sun dials) and water clocks. Sun clocks worked, of course, only on clear days; water clocks misbehaved when the temperature fell toward freezing, to say nothing of long-run drift as the result of sedimentation and clogging. Both these devices worked well in sunny climates; but in northern Europe the sun may be hidden by clouds for weeks at a time, while temperatures vary not only seasonally but from day to night. Medieval Europe gave new importance to reliable time. The Catholic Church had its seven daily prayers, one of which was at night, requiring an alarm arrangement to waken monks before dawn. And then the new cities and towns, squeezed by their walls, had to know and order time in order to organize collective activity and ration space. They set a time to go to sleep. All this was compatible with older devices so long as there was only one authoritative timekeeper; but with urban growth and the multiplication of time signals, discrepancy brought discord and strife. Society needed a more dependable instrument of time measurement and found it in the mechanical clock. We do not know who invented this machine, or where. It seems to have appeared in Italy and England (perhaps simultaneous invention) between 1275 and 1300. Once known, it spread rapidly, driving out water clocks but not solar dials, which were needed to check the new machines against the timekeeper of last resort. These early versions were rudimentary, inaccurate, and prone to breakdown. Ironically, the new machine tended to undermine Catholic Church authority. Although church ritual had sustained an interest in timekeeping throughout the centuries of urban collapse that followed the fall of Rome, church time was nature’s time. Day and night were divided into the same number of parts, so that except at the equinoxes, days and night hours were unequal; and then of course the length of these hours varied with the seasons. But the mechanical clock kept equal hours, and this implied a new time reckoning. The Catholic Church resisted, not coming over to the new hours for about a century. From the start, however, the towns and cities took equal hours as their standard, and the public clocks installed in town halls and market squares became the very symbol of a new, secular municipal authority. Every town wanted one; conquerors seized them as especially precious spoils of war; tourists came to see and hear these machines the way they made pilgrimages to sacred relics. The clock was the greatest achievement of medieval mechanical ingenuity. Its general accuracy could be checked against easily observed phenomena, like the rising and setting of the sun. The result was relentless pressure to improve technique and design. At every stage, clockmakers led the way to accuracy and precision; they became masters of miniaturization, detectors and correctors of error, searchers for new and better. They were thus the pioneers of mechanical engineering and served as examples and teachers to other branches of engineering. The clock brought order and control, both collective and personal. Its public display and private possession laid the basis for temporal autonomy: people could now coordinate comings and goings without dictation from above. The clock provided the punctuation marks for group activity, while enabling individuals to order their own work (and that of others) so as to enhance productivity. Indeed, the very notion of productivity is a by-product of the clock: once on can relate performance to uniform time units, work is never the same. One moves from the task-oriented time consciousness of the peasant (working on job after another, as time and light permit) and the time-filling busyness of the domestic servant (who always had something to do) to an effort to maximize product per unit of time.

2021年9月5日托福听力回忆和解析

综合点评
整体偏难
Conversation1
话题分类		生活服务
内容回忆		女生要搬宿舍里面的东西但是太多了所以她就留把东西留下来现在校外有一个project帮助学生把东西带走然后去卖女生问这个项目能不能进学校
Conversation2
话题分类		学术类
内容回忆		学生问为什么树叶在秋天会落下
Lecture1
话题分类	天文
内容回忆	天文学为什么彗星难以被研究
Lecture2
话题分类	生物
内容回忆	生物多样性在赤道附近多两边少的原因
Lecture3
话题分类	考古
内容回忆	研究从罗马遗址中发现的文字材料

2021年9月5日托福口语回忆和解析

Task 1
内容回忆	Do you agree or disagree with the following statement? It is less important now for schools to teach young people to do math in their heads because of the availability of new technology that can do it for them.
参考答案	Although it seems plausible at first sight, I don’t think the ability to do basic mathematics is not important anymore in people‘s daily lives. Therefore, I disagree with the statement, because basic arithmetic ability is crucial in so many aspects, even if you don’t realize it that often. For example, when we go to the shopping mall and try to compare two products and figure out which one to buy, one thing we need to consider for sure is the quality/cost ratio. And sometimes, when we purchase things, we may use short term loans or credit cards. Figuring out the most financially reasonable and responsible choice definitely requires arithmetic ability in mind.
Task 2
阅读	建议让大二的学生也住在大学宿舍，因为现在规定大二的学生必须搬出校园宿舍，去off campus去住。两个好处，第1个好处：二年级的学生可以跟一年级的学生更多的交流，可以帮助一年级的学生适应大学校园。第2个好处：二年级的学生在搬出去之后，就参加俱乐部更不方便了，因此仍然住在校园里的话，会让他们更多的参加俱乐部。
听力	态度：不支持这个想法因为现在很多的课程就是大一和大二孩子一起上的，然后他举了一个生物学的例子，就是一半大一的学生，一半大二的学生，他们本来在这个课堂里面就可以互相交流了。然后大二的学生不再参加俱乐部，是因为他们在大一参加俱乐部了之后就发现俱乐部他们并不感兴趣，而且他们还发现挺占时间的，因此他们就不再参加俱乐部了。
Task 3
阅读	婴儿在自己的年幼的时期，会发现周围环境当中很多的细节。这些细节都是大人注意不到的。当婴儿随着年龄的发展，他们会不再注意这些细节，这对于他们来说是有利的，因为像大人一样，会关注事情的本质。
听力	一个实验，让婴儿和大人，观察两个蜗牛的图像。两个蜗牛稍微有些差异，大人看一眼就说这两个图片是一样的，但是婴儿会发现第1个图片更亮第2个图片有点暗。因此婴儿看了更长的时间。而对大人来说，他能注意到这是一个杯子就可以了，光线的变化，其实对于这是否是一个杯子是没有影响的。
Task 4
话题	鱼为什么会季节性的进行迁徙？
听力	第1个因素：有可能是水中的黑暗的程度，当季节进入秋天的时候，雨就慢慢发现水中变得越来越暗了，这个时候他就会开始迁徙。然后讲了一种鱼，因为在秋天的时候夜晚越来越多，他就开始在晚上进行迁徙，游好远好远进行交配。第2个触发性的因素：往往是水流的速度。当水流流速比较快的时候，水会变得很浑浊，鸟就看不清就不会来吃这些鱼。然后还是讲了前面那种鱼。当流速快的时候会进行迁徙，因为这个时候，他的天敌都看不到。

2021年9月5日托福写作回忆和解析

综合点评
这次托福考试写作部分整体难度适中，独立写作重复2021.5.22考题，是经常出现的一个题目。其中，综合写作考查动物环境类，整体难度适中。
综合写作
话题分类	动物环境类
考题回忆	总论点	象牙嘴woodpecker几十年前被认为已经毁灭了，但是又发现它们仍然存在，并且有photos和sound为证。
	阅读部分	分论点一：实际上是另外一种woodpecker，它们很像，从照片中不能分辨它们的特征分论点二：科学家没有发现woodpecker的nest，所以缺少evidence。分论点三：那些声音可能是其他鸟类的叫声，也可能是woodpecker大声敲击树木，显示范围，所以无法与枪声分辨。
	听力部分	分论点一：拍摄birds之间的differentiation有一定的难度。拍摄者是专业的birds experts，他们亲眼看到区别，不可能认错。分论点二：这种birds的种群密度很低，占据空间广，nests间隔在25平方公里的范围，所以在大森林里搜寻不到很正常。分论点三：birds的声音很特别，不可能是其他species的birds，而且那一带人很少，不会是gunshots声音。
解题思路	阅读部分 1. 另外一种woodpecker 2. 没发现nest 3.其他birds或者gunshot 听力部分 1. 拍摄differentiation有难度，experts亲眼区分 2. birds占据空间广，找不到很正常 3. birds声音特别，不是别的birds或gunshot声音
参考范文	范文: Both the reading and the listening discuss about ivory-billed woodpecker. The reading raises three arguments to prove that the picture might be another kind of woodpecker, while the lecturer holds a viewpoint that they still exist with the proof of photographs and sound even if they were thought to be extinct several decades ago. First, as the reading suggests, it is another kind of woodpecker and they resemble each other, so scientists cannot differentiate the difference between them. However, the listening points out that taking the photograph of the differentiation between birds is difficult, and birds experts observe them in person so it should be real. Second, the reading mentions that scientists cannot find the nest of woodpeckers so it lacks evidence. The listening, on the other hand, argues that the density of these birds species are low and they occupy a large space, therefore it is very common that you cannot find a woodpecker nest. Third, the reading passage suggests that those sounds could be the calls of other birds, or woodpeckers tapping loudly on trees to show territory, so they're indistinguishable from gunshots. On the contrary, the lecturer argues that the sound of this bird is very special and it will not be other bird species, meanwhile there are very few people and it cannot be gunshots.
独立写作
话题分类	教育类和国家发展类
考题回忆	Do you agree or disagree with the following statement? Improving schools is the most important factor for the successful development of a country.
解题思路	重复2021年5月22日的考试写作思路：要点：同意或者反对都可以。选择同意的一方，就写improving schools 的优点，对于国家的successful development有什么贡献。比如原因一教育是国家发展的基石。九年义务教育和高中教育为学生提供基本的社会生存必备知识技能。原因二是高等教育为国家选拔人才，对国家长足发展和创新科技提供支持。然后加一个让步转折段，写一个国家的成功发展是由多方面因素相辅相成的，但是基于上述讲到的优点，还是觉得improving schools 是重要的因素。选择反对的一方就两个原因段写其他因素对国家成功发展更加重要，再加一个让步转折段说improving schools很重要，但不是很重要的。观点：同意 1. Education is the foundation of a country. Compulsory education and high school education provide basic knowledge for students. （1）九年义务教育和高中教育为学生提供基本的社会生存必备知识技能，比如语数外政史地和理化生的基础知识, 以及美术音乐体育等强身健体和美学欣赏的全面发展。 2. Higher education selects professional talents for the country, providing support for the sustainable and successful development as well as the innovative technology （1）高等教育为国家选拔人才，对国家长足发展和创新科技提供支持，比如语言学、教育学、国际贸易、金融、IT、汽车制造等专业学习. 3.让步转折的结尾段一个国家的成功发展是由多方面因素相辅相成的，比如经济发展、外交关系、自然因素、科学技术等，但是基于上述讲到的优点，还是觉得improving schools 是重要的因素。
参考范文	范文： Nowadays, every country is considering how to successfully develop their country and gain better international status. There are many factors influencing the successful development of a country. Some people believe that education is the most important element, while others believe that there are other more crucial factors. From my perspective, I do insist that education is the most important factor for the successful development of a country. Education is the foundation of a country. Compulsory education and high school education provide basic knowledge for students. Primary school and junior high school students are able to learn basic Math, Chinese, English, politics, history, geography, physics, chemistry and biology. These subjects provide basic skills for students to understand the function and the blueprint of the world. And they are able to survive in the world by learning how to communicate with others, calculate numbers, bargain with shop owners and discuss the national politics and history with family and friends. As Bacon said, Histories make men wise; poets witty; the mathematics subtle; natural philosophy deep; moral grave; logic and rhetoric able to contend. Students will not only learn these knowledge but also learn music, arts and sports. Besides, music cultivates their aesthetic values and sports strengthen their bodies. Fundamentally, the country is consisted of citizens so that successful education for young students contributes to the successful development of a country. Higher education selects professional talents for the country, providing support for the sustainable and successful development as well as the innovative technology. In order for the country to develop successfully, the government must progress technology innovation. And the innovation largely initiates from higher education experiment, laboratory and library. Many prestigious universities receive a large amount of money from the government every year for the purpose of cultivating talents and progressing majors. Take different majors as examples, language majors foster future teachers, interpreters and diplomatists for the country. Mathematics train future scientists and statistic analysts for the society. Financing majors cultivate businessmen, investors and entrepreneurs for future development of a country. Internet technology majors cultivate programmers for companies and the society. These professional talents coming from the higher education contribute a lot to the success of a country in turn. Admittedly, a successful development of a country is composed of various elements, such as economic development, diplomatic relations, natural elements and technological skills. However, based on the reasons and examples mentioned above, I still believe that education is the most important factor for the successful development of a country.

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